RESILIENT project update #3, Jun’26: civic space & marginalised communities in EECA

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Armenia re-aligns with the West and increasing repressive digital measures in Central Asia, massive human right violations of LGBTQI+ in Uzbekistan

Project RESILIENT Update, June 2026

The RESILIENT project involves ongoing monitoring of the regulatory landscape in 10 EECA countries: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Tajikistan, Ukraine and Uzbekistan. With this update the project team would like to draw your attention to the developments related to the civic space and affecting health and rights of people living with HIV (PLHIV), people using drugs (PUD), LGBTQI+, sex workers (SW) and organizations involved in HIV responses. Check out previous updates.

Update includes 10 countries, recent legal developments and incidents affecting civic space are presented first, followed by updates on marginalized communities and civil society organizations working with them. Armenia has chosen the path to democracy and orientation to the West, despite the  highly coordinated massive disinformation campaign and covert efforts by Russia. Positive developments are observed in Moldova – progresses towards EU-aligned drug policy and abolishment of the punitive and stigmatising drug registries – and Ukraine – removes HIV transmission article from the Criminal Code. At the same time, all 5 Central Asian countries (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan) are experiencing curtailment of civic space and increasing repressive digital measures undermining civic space and free expression, which directly affect marginalized communities. In addition, Uzbekistan LGBTQI+ community experienced raids, forced invasive examinations, and lack of protection from torture for LGBTQI+ and sex workers community.

Armenia | Azerbaijan | Belarus | Georgia | Kazakhstan | Kyrgyzstan |
Moldova | Tajikistan | Ukraine | Uzbekistan

Armenia

Civic space

On the National Assembly elections on 7 June the Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s party has won a crucial election re-stating the closer move closer to the West. The past few months have been particularly tense in preparation for the National Assembly election. Armenia has witnessed a massive, highly coordinated Russian interference campaign leading up to the elections. Pro-Russian agents organized the temporary relocation of over 100,000 Armenian citizens living in Russia (which hosts one of our largest diasporas) to come to Armenia just to vote, and they left immediately after election day. This was a direct effort to push votes toward the pro-Russian candidate, billionaire Samvel Karapetyan. In the pre-election months attacks and hate speech against CSOs and particularly against LGBTQI+ organizations has intensified. Instead protecting the community, the government largely distanced itself from the issues to avoid political backlash.

Marginalised communities

LGBTQI+ community and organizations faced seemingly coordinated (based on fact-checking group Media.am: 1, 2, 3) disinformation and discreditation campaigns in relation to National Assembly elections and current pro-EU government. The disinformation campaign, mainly fueled by pro-russian channels, aimed at discrediting the current government as pro-LGBTQI+ (allowing Pride marches, EU integration requiring affirmation of LGBTQI+ rights) and LGBTQI+ by falsifying their positions as voters for the current government:

In May 2026, the Armenian National Assembly adopted amendments to the Criminal Code and related legislation that increased penalties for offences involving the illegal production, acquisition, possession, cultivation, and sale of narcotic drugs. The amendments introduced harsher sanctions for drug trafficking conducted through information and communication technologies (including online platforms such as Telegram), for offences involving minors, and for offences committed on a large or especially large scale. The amendments increased fines and terms of imprisonment for the acquisition and possession of narcotic drugs for personal use and doubled administrative fines for possession of small quantities of narcotic drugs without intent to distribute (1, 2, 3).

Azerbaijan

Civic space

In April 2026, the state NGO support agency announced work on a centralized information system intended to coordinate and track NGO funding, maintain a unified database, and manage funding processes through a “single window” mechanism. While administrative rather than legislative, it points toward increased state oversight of the NGO sector.

Marginalised communities

During March-May 2026, cooperation between civil society organizations (CSOs), government institutions, and international partners continued in the context of preparations for the Global Fund Grant Cycle 8 (GC8): Community representatives and CSOs remained engaged in national and regional consultations coordinated through the Country Coordinating Mechanism (CCM), aimed at ensuring meaningful participation of affected communities in the development of HIV and TB programmes. During the consultations several concerns by civil society and communities were expressed:

  • Restricting operating environment for NGOs, including challenges related to funding sustainability, administrative requirements, and adaptation to new funding and registration mechanisms.
  • The number of NGOs actively engaged in HIV and KP-related service delivery has decreased from approximately 12 organizations during 2020–2023 to around 4 organizations currently actively implementing Global Fund-supported HIV programmes. In order to maintain organizational sustainability and retain staff, some organizations have sought funding opportunities in other sectors and have reduced or discontinued HIV-related outreach, prevention, advocacy, and support activities.
  • While not all organizations completely ceased services for key populations, reduced funding opportunities, administrative barriers, uncertainty regarding funding procedures, and challenges related to registration and contracting mechanisms contributed to a gradual shift of organizational priorities. As a result, the availability and scale of community-based services for people living with HIV (PLHIV), people who use drugs (PUD), sex workers (SW), and LGBTQI+ communities may have been affected in some areas.

Amendments to the Labor Code and the law “On Narcological Service and Control” were discussed in April by the Committee on Labor and Social Policy of the Milli Majlis, which include strengthening the responsibility of employers for employing people with substance abuse issues, prevention for employment of persons with drug addiction into some positions and professions.

Belarus

Civic space

As of March 2026, the situation regarding freedom of association in Belarus remained consistently unfavorable and showed no signs of improvement. Lawtrend published updated monthly monitoring reports indicate that freedom of association and the status of civil society organizations in Belarus remained consistently unfavorable, with no signs of improvement, and document continuing pressure on independent civil society, including liquidations, criminal prosecutions, restrictions on participation in public life, and the ongoing use of “extremism” designations against civic actors. In addition, in April 2026 a Belarusian human rights coalition issued a public statement regarding the designation of PEN Belarus, Human Constanta, and the Belarusian Helsinki Committee as “extremist formations,” describing this as politically motivated persecution and part of a broader state policy aimed at suppressing dissent and stigmatizing civil society organizations.

On 16 March 2026 a Law No. 134-Z “On Amendments to Laws on the Regulation of Civil Procedure and Civil Legal Relations” was adopted and strengthens state control over public associations and liquidation processes. Lawtrend notes that, for public associations, it aligns liquidation rules with the Civil Code, allows the registering authority to take over liquidation if no liquidation commission (or liquidator) is appointed within two months, and provides that remaining funds or property of a liquidated public association go to state revenue after creditors’ claims are satisfied. Lawtrend says these changes strengthen state control over public associations and liquidation processes.

Marginalised communities

While the earlier July 2025 amendments to the Law “On the Rights of the Child” had already classified the “propaganda of homosexual relations, gender reassignment, pedophilia, and childlessness” as harmful to children’s psychological health, Belarus went further in April 2026 by introducing direct administrative liability for such so-called “propaganda.” According to official state reporting, on 15 April 2026 Aleksandr Lukashenko signed the law “On amending the codes on administrative responsibility,” which introduced fines for the “propaganda of homosexual relations, gender transition, pedophilia and childlessness,” with harsher sanctions where minors are involved. Human Rights Watch also reported that the Belarusian parliament had adopted this law earlier in April 2026, describing it as a Russian-inspired measure aimed at banning so-called “propaganda” of same-sex relationships, “gender reassignment,” and child-free lifestyles.

The law has provided a stronger legal basis for restricting information related to LGBTQI+ identities and rights, going beyond the earlier child-protection framing and creates an explicit administrative-offence basis for sanctioning public dissemination of such information, including through online platforms and social media.

Georgia

Civic space

Georgians are protesting for the 500th consecutive day against the ruling party Georgian Dream. Unwarranted “time, place, and manner” restrictions have been widely documented by international human rights organizations and legal bodies. Authorities frequently deploy these limitations to manage, marginalize, or neutralize protests.

On April 15, 2026, Georgia’s parliament adopted amendments to the Law on Grants which selectively limit the regulatory scope of the law. Key changes include: creating an exception for diplomatic and international actors and expanding exemptions to certain grants (grants issued by financial and credit institutions; grants issued by and to the Georgian Red Cross Society; and existing exemptions for EU programs, German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD), international sports bodies, and individual funding for education and research abroad. Overall, these changes are technical in nature and do not substantively reduce the negative impact of broad and restrictive amendments to the Law on Grants adopted in 2025-2026.

Human Rights Watch article states that Georgia’s new centralized health database law took effect on 1 May 2026 (mandating the establishment of a unified database covering people with mental health conditions and those diagnosed with alcohol or drug dependence), creating serious risks of privacy violations and discrimination, and potentially deterring people from seeking health care and mental health services.

Marginalised communities

In April 2026 a policy brief about the situation with OST programs in Georgia (verified by Georgia civil society and community) has been published. It provides detailed information on how the Opioid Agonist Therapy and Harm Reduction in Georgia changes from Regional Success to Crisis. Georgia’s OAT programme represents one of the most significant public health achievements in the EECA region: a government-financed, mixed-model system that contributed to a reduction of HIV incidence among PWID by 70% and a 67% decline in national HCV prevalence over a decade, respectively. The policies enacted between April 2025 and March 2026 reverse the principles that made this programme successful. Compulsory treatment, forced medication changes, the elimination of buprenorphine/naloxone access, permanent registration in state databases, and the criminalisation of the civil society organisations that supported, monitored, and advocated for this programme constitute a systematic dismantling of a functioning public health system in favour of a punitive model for which there is no credible evidence of effectiveness.

Kazakhstan

Civic space

International Center for Non-profit Law (ICNL) indicates that some provisions of the new Constitution (enters into force 1 July 2026) may limit the protection of fundamental rights and civil liberties, including freedom of association and the operating environment for non-commercial organizations. In addition, a new law of the Republic of Kazakhstan “On Non-Governmental Organizations” is under development. So far, the biggest concern is not the text of the law itself—because no full draft has been published yet—but the political context in which it is being developed: public rhetoric about controlling foreign funding and “foreign influence” intensified in Kazakhstan during 2025–2026 (1, 2, 3). The principal threat is the possibility that the new NGO law becomes a vehicle for tighter regulation of independent civil society, particularly organizations receiving foreign funding or engaged in advocacy. The specific risks include foreign-agent-style labeling, expanded reporting obligations, greater government oversight, and broader powers to investigate or sanction NGOs.

At the same time, since 1 January 2026 under the new Tax Code, tax authorities are able to conduct audits and raids on organizations and individuals who receive money or property from foreign countries, international and foreign organizations, as well as from foreigners and stateless persons.

Marginalised communities

Law of the Republic of Kazakhstan “On Amendments and Additions to Certain Legislative Acts of the Republic of Kazakhstan on Archival Matters and Restrictions on the Distribution of Illegal Content” adopted on 30 December 2025, introduces an official ban on “propaganda of non-traditional sexual orientation” with amendments for 8 laws. There has not been much evidence of its implementation in March-May 2026, aside of the chilling effect, with activists, media outlets, and human-rights organizations reporting increased caution and self-censorship because the definition of “LGBT propaganda” is broad and unclear.

At the end of 2025 a Comprehensive Plan to Combat Drug Abuse and the Drug Trade in the Republic of Kazakhstan for 2026–2028 was adopted. There are concerns of it effects on community of people who use drugs as it further criminalizes people who use drugs with heavy emphasis on law enforcement, plans expansion of drug screening, increase in surveillance and data collection, incentivized reporting and lacks emphasis on harm reduction.

Kyrgyzstan

Civic space

The right to freedom of peaceful assembly remains challenged in Kyrgyzstan:

Marginalised communities

A very concerning HIV-related initiative: in April 2026, a draft law “On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts of the Kyrgyz Republic (to the Family Code of the Kyrgyz Republic, the Law of the Kyrgyz Republic “On Acts of Civil Status”)” was submitted for public discussion, providing for mandatory medical examinations for persons entering into marriage, including HIV testing.

Civil society organizations and community-led organizations working on HIV and key populations continue to self-censor: avoid publicly advocating for certain issues due to fears of negative repercussions. The most sensitive issues remain those related to LGBTQI+ rights, harm reduction programs for people who use drugs, the decriminalization of certain behaviors among key populations, and advocacy for the rights of sex workers. Representatives of CSOs report an increase in self-censorship in public communications, more cautious use of terminology on social media, and a refusal to conduct open information campaigns on certain topics. This practice stems from fears of increased scrutiny by government agencies, risks of public stigmatization, potential accusations of promoting “non-traditional values” or drug use, as well as a general narrowing of civic space. In some cases, organizations prefer to hold events in a closed format or use neutral terminology instead of directly mentioning LGBTQI+ people, people who use drugs, and other key groups.

Members of the LGBTQI+ community continue to face risks of detention, persecution, and intimidation. During March-May 2026, the repercussions of raids and inspections of establishments associated with the LGBTQI+ community persisted. Videos of patrons at such venues, showing their faces clearly, were circulated on social media and messaging apps and published by certain bloggers and public figures in a stigmatizing context. Such actions create risks of outing, public harassment, and increased scrutiny by law enforcement agencies.

Targeting of sex workers by law enforcement also continues via raids aimed at identifying individuals providing sexual services. In May 2026, in the Pervomaisky District of Bishkek, officers from the Internal Affairs Directorate conducted an operational and preventive operation resulting in five administrative reports under Article 109² of the Code of the Kyrgyz Republic on Offenses (“Engaging in Prostitution”), and administrative fines.

Moldova

Marginalised communities

On the bright side, Moldova has taken steps to:

  • Abolish the existing drug registry system, which as the compulsory, punitive and stigmatising nature of drug registration continues to create barriers to access to treatment, undermining trust in the health system and hindering the development of voluntary, confidential and integrated services in the field of substance use disorders, including PTAO; and
  • Harmonise its drug policy with the EU Drugs Strategy and European standards in the fields of health, data protection and human rights within the Republic of Moldova–European Union Association Agreement and related acts.

A number of key changes took place at national level between October 2025 and May 2026 in this regard:

  • Development of the Strategy on Drugs and Addictions (SNDA) 2026–2032 launched (with technical support from the Council of Europe and the Pompidou Group);
  • Legislation aimed at preparing Moldova for accession to the European Union (Government Decision No. 306/2025) clearly establishes the need to transition to a model of support for substance use disorders based on human rights, health and harm reduction;
  • The Ministry of Health formed and approved a working group on amending regulatory documents relating to the provision of drug treatment and drug registration in Moldova and amending Law No. 713/2001 ‘On the control and prevention of alcohol abuse, illicit drug use and other psychoactive substances’.

On the other hand, the pushback initiative are surfacing as well. In the previous update it was noted that in December 2025, the Ministry of Internal Affairs submitted for public consultation a draft law on amendments to a number of regulatory acts in the field of preventing and combating illicit drug trafficking No. 1026/MAI/2025 maintaining and reinforcing a punitive approach to drug use and introducing additional reporting obligations for “suspected use,” which raised serious concerns in terms of the right to health, confidentiality, and access to harm reduction services.

On 9 April 2026, a new legislative risk emerged: “Our Party” faction, led by party leader Renato Usatyi, submitted Bill No. 119 to Parliament to amend the Criminal Code with the aim of imposing harsher penalties for drug trafficking. The bill proposes increasing prison terms for the illegal distribution of drugs on a large or especially large scale, the administration of drugs to another person, and the operation of drug dens, providing for penalties of up to 20–25 years’ imprisonment or life imprisonment, as well as stricter liability for organized groups and legal entities. According to civil society, excessively harsh penalties without clear safeguards to distinguish between organized trafficking and personal use could create a risk of criminal prosecution for people who use drugs, exacerbate their stigmatization, and alienate them from medical and social assistance as well as harm reduction services. On May 29, 2026, at a Government meeting, Bill No. 119 received a negative opinion.

Tajikistan

Civic space

While a conference to mark World Press Freedom Day, where media freedom, innovation, and the safety of journalists was discussed, was held in Dushanbe in May 2026, the Press Freedom Index indicates that Tajikistan has dropped from place 153 in 2025 to 155 in 2026 (out of 180). Government pressure has forced many independent media outlets to shut down, including the newspaper Ozodagon and the newssite Akhbor, and has driven dozens of journalists into exile. Less than half of the population has internet access. The quasi-permanent blocking of major news sites and social media has pushed many Tajik media outlets to relocate abroad. Foreign journalists work under threat of their accreditation being cancelled, if it is not rejected in the first place.

A notable change is the amendments to the Tax Code dated 11 March 2026, which introduced improvements to the tax regime for certain categories of taxpayers, including public organizations and other non-profit organizations (NPOs). The liquidation procedure was simplified for a broader range of entities, including NPOs, through the removal of the requirement to conduct an on-site tax audit upon termination of activities. While it is a positive development, it does not address the systemic constraints faced by civil society organizations: reporting requirements, oversight of foreign funding, and complex registration procedures.

At its session in Geneva on 14-15 April 2026, the UN Committee against Torture (CAT) examined Tajikistan’s fourth periodic report on the implementation of the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. Civil society representatives presented the findings covering key developments since the last review and addresses legislative and policy changes, the definition of torture, statistical data, statutes of limitations and amnesties, legal safeguards, investigations, redress, and the exclusion of evidence obtained under torture, as well as torture and ill-treatment in cases of domestic violence, against LGBT people, in the armed forces.  This demonstrates that independent CSOs continue to operate, albeit within a restricted space.

Marginalised communities

Five bloggers—Idibek Kosimov, Farrukh Alimov, Muborakshu A’lokhonzoda, Jomi Olimov, and Fotima Gasanova—were detained in May 2026. The Ministry of Internal Affairs stated that during live broadcasts on Instagram, Facebook, TikTok, and Imo, they used profanity, insults, and exhibited behavior that was described as “beyond the bounds of morality and culture.” The four men each received 12 days of administrative detention, while one female blogger was fined. This case demonstrates that state control in Tajikistan is not limited to the activities of the media, NGOs, and civil society activists. Prosecuting bloggers for content deemed “immoral” demonstrates the expansion of surveillance to non-political digital communication and the everyday behavior of social media users. This points to the broad scope of mechanisms for monitoring the internet, affecting all citizens.

Ukraine

Civic space

In May 2026, public demonstrations and protests took place against the draft of the new Civil Code of Ukraine. On 28 April 2026, the Verkhovna Rada adopted draft Civil Code No. 15150 at its first reading. Human rights and feminist organisations criticised the draft due to the risks of restricting the rights of women, children, LGBTQI+ people and people with disabilities, as well as potential risks to freedom of speech and property rights. A petition against the new Civil Code was also registered, which gathered the required 25,000 signatures in less than a day. Among the criticisms were the vague concept of ‘good character’, risks for women following divorce, child support payments, and the rights of LGBTQI+ couples and other vulnerable groups.

Marginalised communities

Between March and May 2026, NGOs providing HIV prevention and harm reduction services faced increased financial and operational barriers. Since the international, including US, funding is decreasing NGOs need to rely on national funding and the contracting practices of the Centre for Public Health are a substantial barrier. Namely, the mandatory telephone verification of clients and linking funding to the level of verification create a risk that services actually provided will not be paid for (if no verification). The consolidated position of NGOs and representatives of key communities dated 21 April 2026 emphasises that verification should be a quality assurance tool, not a condition for funding, and that all services actually provided must be paid for regardless of the level of telephone verification. This is particularly since for many organisations, government contracts for HIV prevention remain one of the few sources of survival, which also limits opportunities for open advocacy.

On 12 March 2025, the Verkhovna Rada passed Bill No. 9398 providing for removal of a specific article from the Criminal Code on transmission of HIV and other incurable infectious diseases, and the reclassification of such cases under the general provisions on causing harm to health. Human rights and HIV service organisations view this as a step towards the decriminalisation of HIV and the reduction of stigma.

No news to previously introduced draft laws with components of “anti-drug propaganda” and “anti-lgbt propaganda”.

Uzbekistan

Civic space

Uzbekistan is one of the countries were the concerns about the shrinking civic space and digital repressions are extremely acute. It witnesses a rise in the number of complaints, cyberattacks and blocking campaigns, as well as attempts to restrict access to independent information. Tightening of cyber security regulations (УП-38) and personal data protection rules (ЗРУ-1125) increases the risk of ‘unintentional breaches’ and pressure from compliance bodies. The recent article from sarpa media states that even though officially there is no censorship in Uzbekistan for 20 year, it did not disappear, just changes its form. It indicates that such topics as the rights and protection of vulnerable groups (including LGBTQI+, sex workers and people who use drugs), discrimination and violence by public officials, public criticism of government bodies or policies, any content that could be “reclassified” as “immorality/extremism/breach of platform rules” are most risky for censorship and repressions.

Marginalised communities

The first 6 months of 2026 in Uzbekistan are marked by raids, forced invasive examinations, and lack of protection from torture for LGBTQI+ and sex workers community. Official data from the state system indicates sharp increase in the number of cases under Article 120 from 23 cases in 2020 to 71 cases in the first nine months of 2025 (Article 120 of the Criminal Code of the Republic of Uzbekistan criminalizes consensual sexual relations between men and provides basis for punishment in the form of restriction of liberty for a period of one to three years, or imprisonment for up to three years). A particular concern are cases of arrest when law enforcement officers carry out mass detentions, demand that detainees unlock their phones, use personal information for threats and pressure, and subsequently refer detainees for forced invasive forensic medical examinations, including anal examinations, which are cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment and, in some cases, as torture.

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